A story published in the Worcester Telegram this week encapsulated a disturbing trend - one that Dan touched on in his commentary on the right wing driving the agenda of conventional media. In...
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A solid debut by Christiane Amanpour
Not long after Tim Russert's death, I realized that my aversion to George Stephanopoulos was not nearly as deep-seated as my aversion to David Gregory. So I switched from "Meet the Press" to "This Week" and haven't looked back. Among other things, "This Week" regular George Will is a great entertainer, and where else other than the New York Times can you get a regular dose of Paul Krugman?
Stephanopoulos, of course, decamped for morning television months ago, never to be seen again — at least not by me. Today, at long last, marked the much-anticipated debut of his permanent replacement, former CNN foreign correspondent Christiane Amanpour. I don't think the occasion warrants a lot of analysis. But surely a little is in order. A few points.
1. I don't watch "This Week"; rather, I listen to the podcast. So if there were any changes to the set, I wouldn't know. For what it's worth, I thought Amanpour, her guests and her panelists all sounded fine.
2. It was a good first week for Amanpour. She had two major gets, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates. If Amanpour's questions failed to elicit any major news, neither did she embarrass herself. In any event, with rare exceptions, top government officials are going to say what they're going to say regardless of what they are asked.
3. Though "This Week" seemed pretty much the same as it always has, Amanpour did shake things up a bit, as Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid joined the roundtable from Spain. Over time, I'm hoping that Amanpour turns the entire format upside-down, eschewing political chit-chat for real substance. Perhaps this was one small step in that direction.
4. Jake Tapper deserves kudos for the way he handled "This Week" as a fill-in host the past several months. By taking a few chances (especially by embracing of New York University journalism professor Jay Rosen's suggestion that he add fact-checking to the show), Tapper demonstrated that there's still some life left in the old format.
If, for some reason, Amanpour doesn't work out, or if ABC News decides to use her elsewhere, then Tapper would be a natural — and I think viewers would accept him far more readily than they would have before his stint as a substitute.

Making sense of the WikiLeaks documents
Like just about everyone else in the media world, I'm trying to make sense today of the WikiLeaks documents, the Pentagon Papers of our time. The documents — reported by the New York Times, the Guardian* and Der Spiegel — show that the war in Afghanistan has been undermined by untrustworthy "friends" in the Pakistani intelligence service, chaos and duplicity in Afghanistan, and mistakes by American and allied forces leading to civilian casualties.
In a sense, it's nothing we didn't know, and the White House argues that the situation has been improving since President Obama charted his own course. (The most recent documents in the cache are from December 2009.) Still, like the Pentagon Papers, the documents offer official confirmation that things are (or at least were) as bad as we feared, if not worse.
I think WikiLeaks' strategy of giving the three Western news organizations a month to go over the documents before making them public was brilliant. Earlier this year, WikiLeaks and its founder, Julien Assange, got a lot of attention over a video it had obtained of an American helicopter firing on civilians in Iraq, including two Reuters freelancers. Ultimately, though, it proved to be the wrong kind of attention — the heavy-handed editing made it appear more like an anti-American propaganda film than documentary evidence. (WikiLeaks also released a longer, unedited version.)
By contrast, in providing the latest documents to news organizations, Assange was able to get out of the way and let credible journalists tell the story. Jay Rosen, in a characteristically thoughtful post about WikiLeaks ("the world's first stateless news organization"), thinks Assange did it because he knew the story wouldn't get the attention it deserved unless the traditional media could break it.
I don't disagree, but I think a more important reason is that the public will take it more seriously.
Also: At the Nation, Greg Mitchell has been rounding up links about the WikiLeaks story here and here.
*Disclosure: I write a weekly online column for the Guardian about media and politics.

Orwell, torture and waterboarding
Before the Bush-Cheney years, the New York Times and other large newspapers regularly referred to waterboarding as "torture." After it was revealed that the United States was waterboarding terrorism suspects, those papers largely stopped. After all, President Bush explained in 2005, "This government does not torture people."
So in true Orwellian fashion, editors decided that to describe waterboarding as torture would amount to a breach of objectivity, for no reason except that, all of a sudden, there were powerful people who disputed that characterization.
That is the conclusion of a paper released earlier this year by the Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, at Harvard's Kennedy School. Titled "Torture at the Times: Waterboarding in the Media" (pdf), the study includes the following findings:
- From the early 1930s until 1999, the New York Times characterized waterboarding as torture in 44 of 54 articles on the subject (81.5 percent), and the Los Angeles Times in 26 of 27 articles (96.3 percent).
- From 2002 to 2008, the New York Times referred to waterboarding as torture in just two of 143 articles (1.4 percent); the Los Angeles Times, three of 63 (4.8 percent); the Wall Street Journal, one of 63 (1.6 percent); and USA Today, not at all.
- "[T]he newspapers are much more likely to call waterboarding torture if a country other than the United States is the perpetrator."
The study also finds that opinion writers at those papers were more likely to associate waterboarding with the T-word than were the news columns — further evidence that news editors deviated from the long-established understanding of what waterboarding really is in order to avoid being accused of anti-administration bias. The study concludes:
The results of this study demonstrate that there was a sudden, significant, shift in major print media’s treatment of waterboarding at the beginning of the 21st century. The media’s modern coverage of waterboarding did not begin in earnest until 2004, when the first stories about abuses at Abu Ghraib were released. After this point, articles most often used words such as “harsh” or “coercive” to describe waterboarding or simply gave the practice no treatment, rather than labeling it torture as they had done for the previous seven decades.
The Shorenstein Center has documented a shocking abrogation of duty by our top newspapers in helping Americans understand what the Bush-Cheney administration was doing in their name.
The study came out in April. I'm writing about it now because the redoubtable Jay Rosen tweeted about it yesterday. This is important stuff, and I hope Rosen has given it the push it needs to become more widely discussed.
ABC starts fact-checking guests on "This Week"
BC's "This Week" has allied itself with Politifact.com, the political fact-checking site run by the St. Petersburg Times, to verify assertions made by guests on the show. Some say the plethora of friendly partisan media outlets has made politicians more whopper prone, but is the new movement toward fact-checking a fad or something that will last?

Arrogance and anger over newspapers' decline
Newspapers executives have the right to charge whatever they want for their products, be it the print edition, Web-site access or speciality channels such as Kindle and mobile editions. The public, in turn, has the right to decide whether to buy or seek its news elsewhere.
What news organizations do not have a right to do is raise the price of what they produce by creating artificial scarcity through an illegal cartel.
Thus it was that Los Angeles Times media columnist Timothy Rutten’s latest piece became the talk of the Twitterverse over the weekend. Jay Rosen, Dan Gillmor, Vin Crosbie and I were among those kicking Rutten’s column around.
Rutten, in calling for an exemption from federal law so that newspaper companies can collude on a plan to charge for online access, made some important points about government’s role in fostering a free and independent press. In particular, he singled out the favorable postal rates going back to the earliest days of the republic as a key factor in the rise of a vigorous Fourth Estate. (Paul Starr, in his 2006 book “The Creation of the Media,” traces those postal policies to Colonial times, and identifies them as an important reason that newspapers and magazines became a mass medium in the United States in a way that they never did in Europe.)
But Rutten undermines his argument with unwarranted arrogance, including flashes of anger, at what has happened to his business. Here is a particularly choice passage:
[I]f Congress acts as it should, it will do so not on behalf of newspapers but for their readers. The press, after all, does not assert 1st Amendment protections on its own behalf but as the custodian of such protections on behalf of the American people.
Stating that the press is the “custodian” of the First Amendment is breathtaking not only for its insular cluelessness, but also because it goes against basic constitutional principles.
(Click "continue" to read more.)

A crowdsourced documentary
No one spoke the word "crowdsourcing." But that was the theme of a presentation Thursday evening by "Frontline" producer Rachel Dretzin, whose next documentary, "Digital Nation," will be a collaborative effort between her team and visitors to the "Digital Nation" Web site. "Digital Nation" is an attempt to explain how our dependence on — and obsession with — the Internet is changing our culture for better and for worse.
Dretzin is putting all of her footage and interviews online. There's a blog tracking progress of the documentary. A series of interactive chats is under way. And folks are encouraged to submit their own video and audio commentaries about the good, the bad and the ugly aspects of online existence. There's even a recommended "Digital Nation" hashtag (#dig_nat) for Twitter users.





